Does gender equality matter for fertility? Demographic findings to this question are rather inconclusive. We argue that gender equality is a complex issue that needs to be conceptualized in a way which includes gender equity and allows for gender differences but uncovers gender inequalities. We explore this approach by investigating the impact of four dimensions of gender equality on women´s and men´s childbearing intentions in Europe: the possibility to maintain a household, the capabilities to choose, the resources to have agency, and gender equity in household work and in care. We apply logistic regressions to data of the Generations and Gender Survey. Our results suggest that gender equality and fertility intentions are intertwined in a multi-faceted way, and that gender equality in the areas which we examine exert different impacts on women’s and men’s childbearing intentions. Our study also confirms that parenthood still constitutes a dividing line between more and less gender equality, and that this affects childbearing intentions of childless women and childless men differently than that of mothers and fathers. This necessitates an approach which allows identifying the essential gender inequalities in employment, in society, and in the family which matter for childbearing decisions.
In this paper we analyzed the willingness to have children of the Hungarian population living in Hungary and Romania (Transylvania). Out intention was to shed light on individual motivations behind present and future parenting practices, the extent to which the willingness to have children differs in these two societies and the parenting practices they point to. Our data source is represented by the survey Turning Points of the Life Course carried out in 2004 and 2005 in Hungary and Romania, which is part of a big international survey: Generation and Gender Program (GGP) aimed at revealing the characteristics of the new European demographical behaviour related to „second demographical transition”. These research frames, bolstered by the above premises, offer numerous new research opportunities. The data collection from Hungary and Transylvania, the similarity of questions at different levels makes it possible to compare the key characteristics of individual and family demographical behaviour and the decisive aspects of the Hungarian and Transylvanian Hungarian societies. Summarising, we may assert that correlations and relations point to the same direction. There are no differences in size between the willingness to have children among Hungarians from Hungary and Hungarians from Transylvania, the parenting intentions of men and women are basically the same and inasmuch as the willingness to have children are dispersed according to social and demographical criteria they point to the same direction. The average level of the willingness to have children does not differ substantially either. At the same time, if we consider the results of cohort analyses, that women have their first child at a younger age, then from the point of view of the entire 20-44 age group sample we may presume that the fertility of Hungarians from Transylvania is somewhat lower than that of women living in Hungary.
Diversity of partnership and parental trajectories are common in contemporary societies. In Hungarian demographic and family sociology research both quantitative and qualitative projects underlined that partnership trajectories have crucial relevance regarding the low fertility in Hungary. The analytical starting point of this paper differentiate between partnership trajectories and parenthood. The goal of the paper is the analysis in detail of changing partnership trajectories of youngsters in an East-Central European country after WW II, as well as specifying the added value of interpretation of sequence analysis data. Questions: 1)How has historically changed timing, sequencing and time duration of specific partnership statuses between age of 18 and 30 years? 2)What are the typical partnership trajectories of youngsters regarding ’similarity’ of timing, sequencing and duration? Hypotheses: Similarity patterns of partnership trajectories add some relevant aspects to the existing demographic knowledge of gender specific partnership formation during early adulthood. Differences in patterns of partnership trajectories can be explained by historical changes of family formation, by education level and/or entering first parenthood. Methods and data: sequence analysis (geometrical interpretation: Elzinga and Liefbroer 2007), in the Hungarian Generations and Gender Survey of partnership histories of people born between 1932–1971, binary logistic regression models (dependent variable=one typical trajectory versus all other patterns, independent variables=education level, age, first parenthood, interaction terms). Main findings: Sequence analysis adds to the gender specific interpretation of young family life paths. Pluralism has historical roots, but the prevalence of various partnership trajectories is rather balanced at the end of the XX century. Generation, education level and parenthood have changing explanatory power regarding the odds of different typical partnership trajectories. The odds of some trajectories are weakly dependent on generations and are rather explained by education level or parenthood. Other trajectories are rather age group specific patterns.
Hoem, J. M. and Kostova, D. and Jasilioniene, A. and Mure?an, C.
Using data from the first round of the national Gender and Generations Surveys of Russia, Romania, and Bulgaria, and from a similar survey of Hungary, which were all collected in recent years, we study rates of entry into marital and non-marital unions. We have used elements from the narrative of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) as a vehicle to give our analysis of the data from the four countries some coherence, and find what can be traces of the SDT in these countries. The details vary by country; in particular, latter-day developments in union formation patterns did not start at the same time in all the countries, but in our assessment it began everywhere before communism fell, that is, before the societal transition to a market economy got underway in 1990.
Our study describes fundamental changes in childbearing behavior in Hungary. It documents current postponement of entry into motherhood (first birth) and uncovers signs of delay in second birth. We place the behavioral modifications into historical time and reveal the basic role of the political, economic, and societal transformation of Hungary that started in 1989-1990 in these modifications. We document postponement as well as differentiation, and mothers’ highest level of education will represent the structural position of individuals. We shed light on the different speed of postponement and support the assumption of behavioral differences according to the highest level of education. Particular attention will be paid to changing partnership relations: Fertility outcomes remain to be strongly associated with the type of partnership and its development; profound changes in partnership formation, namely the proliferation of cohabitation and the increasing separation rate of first partnerships, may therefore facilitate fertility decline in Hungary. The analysis is based on the first wave of the Hungarian panel survey "Turning points of the life course" carried out in 2001/2002.