Studies on Europe and the U.S. indicate that marriage has been postponed, cohabitation has increased, and unions are more likely to dissolve. However, no study has been able to capture all of these dimensions simultaneously. Here we use latent class growth models to trace the complexity of union formation in the United States and 14 countries in Europe. We examine how union status can change between the ages of 15-45 for women born 1945-74. After determining the optimal number of latent classes, we calculate the probability of falling into each class by country and cohort. This shows the heterogeneity of union patterns across countries and over time. In all countries, changes in relationship patterns have been driven by the postponement of marriage, while premarital cohabitation and separation have varied more by region. Cohabitation has emerged as its own class but is not yet identical to marriage.
Abstract: This paper validates the fertility histories of the German Generations and Gender Survey (GGS). Focusing on the cohorts 1930-69 of West German women, the total number of children, the parity distribution and the parity progression ratios are compared to external sources. One major result from this validation is that the German GGS understates the fertility for the older cohorts and overstates it for the younger ones. We presume that two mechanisms are responsible for this pattern in the German GGS: On the one hand, children who have left parental home are underreported in the retrospective fertility histories. On the other hand, women with small children are easier to reach by the interviewer. These two mechanisms taken together produce too low numbers of children for the older and too high ones for the younger cohorts. Extending the validation to marital histories has revealed a similar bias. Our general conclusion from this investigation is that the German GGS may not be used for statistical analyses of cohort fertility and marriage trends. For subsequent surveys, we suggest integrating simple control questions in questionnaires with complex retrospective fertility and union histories.
Valdés Cifuentes, I. and Wagner, M. and Naderi, R.
Turkish migrants differ in their fertility and marriage behavior from native Germans. These differences, especially those concerning the link between the two events birth of the first child and first marriage, will be examined in this article by using event history analysis with data of the Generations and Gender Survey from 2005 (main survey) and 2006 (additional survey of Turkish nationals). We address the question to what extent the link between first marriage and starting a family differs between these two groups and if the differences are accounted for by religious or educational differences. The key findings are: Germans often marry between getting pregnant and getting their first child. Turks, however, predominantly get pregnant within marriage. Turkish women who get pregnant before marriage have subsequently worse prospects on the marriage market. These differences are not accounted for by religious and educational differences. It can be assumed, however, that differences between Islam and Christianity are relevant.
Using data on individuals born 1946 to 1972 from the Norwegian Generations and Gender Survey (N = 7,587) we examine differentials in the number and incidence of co-residential relationships by gender and socioeconomic status. Regarding number of relationships, we found that women and younger respondents more often than men and older respondents reported having had two or more unions. 10% of the men and 5% of the women had no union experience by age 35. Controlling for relevant characteristics, our multivariate results showed that high income men experienced fewer unions than lower income men. Having a low income increased the odds of remaining single among men, whereas there was a positive association between tertiary education and remaining unpartnered among women.
Hoem, J. M. and Kostova, D. and Jasilioniene, A. and Muresan, C.
Using data from the first round of the national Gender and Generations Surveys of Russia, Romania, and Bulgaria, and from a similar survey of Hungary, which were all collected in recent years, we study rates of entry into marital and non-marital unions. We have used elements from the narrative of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) as a vehicle to give our analysis of the data from the four countries some coherence, and find what can be traces of the SDT in these countries. The details vary by country; in particular, latter-day developments in union formation patterns did not start at the same time in all the countries, but in our assessment it began everywhere before communism fell, that is, before the societal transition to a market economy got underway in 1990.
The article aims to present the results of a comparative analysis of cohabitation biographies (marital, non-marital and pre-marital cohabitation) between Germans without a migration background and Turkish nationals in Germany. To this end, the data of the Generations and Gender Surveys (GGS) from 2005 and 2006 (for Turkish citizens) are used. The results show a fundamentally different lifestyle of Turks in comparison to Germans, in particular within the younger age groups: Turks more seldom have more than one cohabitation, and have shorter pre-marital phases. Non-marital cohabitation is for Turks more seldom an alternative to marriage. All in all, a major change takes place among Germans from older to younger cohorts as to their experience of nonmarital cohabitation, the latter having become the norm among the latter in the course of a biography. This change is virtually unknown among Turks. The age and cohort, the level of education, religiosity and acceptance of non-marital cohabitation impact the experience of non-marital co-habitation.
A hundred years after Durkheim stated that “individuals are more important than things” in reference to patrimony in the family and marriage, this assertion became common sense. Today, in the aftermath of the 1960’s, it is perfectly established that emotions are the cornerstone of family and marriage, although it is true that other material and symbolic goods circulate and are managed in these areas. In this article, the author tries to understand how precisely these many logics are articulated and managed – feelings and affections, material resources, identities, personal achievements, expectations – in conjugal life. Cent ans après que Durkheim ait affirmé que “les idnividus sont plus importants que les choses”, le problème du patrimoine dans le contexte de la famille et du mariage étant sous-jacent, cette affirmation est devenue courante. Actuellement il est certain, et cela très clairement à partir des années 60, que les affects représentent la pierre fondamentale en ce qui concerne le mariage et la famille, même si d’autres biens matériels et symboliques entrent également en jeu. Dans cet article, on essaie de percevoir de manière plus précise comment ces diverses logiques – sentiments et affects, gestion des ressources, identités, épanouissement personnel, projections pour l’avenir, attentes – entrent en jeu et sont articulées dans la vie conjugale. Cem anos depois de Durkheim ter afirmado que “os indivíduos são mais importantes do que as coisas”, tendo subjacente a questão do patrimônio no contexto da família e do casamento, a afirmação tornou-se um lugar comum. Hoje está perfeitamente estabelecido, e de forma bem mais explícita a partir dos anos 60, que os afetos são a pedra de toque essencial do que circula no casamento e na família, embora também aí circulem e sejam geridos outros bens materiais e simbólicos. Neste artigo, procura- se perceber precisamente como se jogam e se articulam essas diversas lógicas – sentimentos e afetos, gestão de recursos, identidades, realização pessoal, projeções sobre o futuro, expectativas – na vida conjugal.